May 14, 2017
May 14, 2017
We’re one month away from this year’s June 11th International Day of Solidarity with Marius Mason and all long-term anarchist prisoners!
The essence of the day is that many seemingly separate events and actions can resonate within a wider network of efforts in solidarity with our imprisoned fighters. In this way, we make real the proposal of a multiform anarchist solidarity – one in which banner drops and bake sales, spray paint and sending letters, demonstrations and destruction can, together, show the diversity and power of anarchist solidarity. Every year, we are amazed at what people do. From big cities to small towns to lone individuals, anarchists put their hearts, minds, and hands to work, showing that anyone, no matter their circumstances, has something meaningful to contribute to freeing our imprisoned comrades.
We wish to express our support for the International Day of Solidarity with Eric King on June 28.
We also express our solidarity with the call for a Dangerous June in solidarity with anarchist, revolutionary and rebel individualities.
During the session on the 28th of April the police expert testified concerning the telephone communication. The focus was on the messages, calls and contacts shared between various confiscated phones. It turned out that there were no “welcome messages” to other countries and that Vodafone does not have access to the data of 2014 (because they are obliged to erase them after one year). In the comparison of the agendas, some shared phone numbers were found, but no calls were made between those phones in the days around the robbery.
There was particular interest in the significance of messages of short numbers (the customer service type of the companies) and the prosecution indicated that the request to Vodafone Spain had only been made 2 weeks before. Furthermore, in one of the private houses which were raided on the 13th of April, nothing was found that could be used as proof.
The session on the 5th of May consisted of reading out some parts of the file. On the one hand the defense brought in various documents which show, by means of the archived sentence of the Pandora II case and the case of Monica and Francisco, that GAC is not a terrorist organisation. On the other hand, the appeal against the preventive arrest made in December 2016 by the lawyer of one of the comrades was read, alleging, among other things, that the DNA sample (of the fake breathalyser test) was illegally taken, and thus is not valid. The court of Cologne justified keeping the comrade in prison because of the severity of the crime and the indicated relation of the accused with the anarchist movement. Furthermore, the (work) curriculum of one of the comrades was read out, so that the tribunal would have more knowledge of the accused.
The next sessions will be:
May 12: the biometrical expert will testify as a witness from the prosecution
May 18: Plea of the prosecution and possible demand of the sentence
May 22 and 31: Plea of the defense begins
June 7 and 13: are still left open, depending on what happens in the previous sessions.
THIS IS A CALL OUT TO COME TO THE COURT SESSIONS!!!
Our presence in these final moments is very important!!
That our comrades may not feel alone and will feel the support and strength of friends and other people in solidarity!!!
Translated by act for freedom now!
On 3rd May anarchist Alfredo Cospito – imprisoned in the AS2 unit in Ferrara following the kneecapping of Adinolfi, managing director of Ansaldo Nucleare, and recently subjected to another arrest warrant following operation ‘Scripta Manent’ – has gone on hunger strike for ten days in protest at the censorship that is blocking most of his incoming and outgoing letters. Alfredo has asked comrades to send books, magazines, and other material in great numbers in support of his hunger strike and to break the isolation due to prison censorship.
Prosecutor Sparagna in Turin has imposed censorship on the comrades imprisoned following operation ‘Scripta Manent’. In recent months censorship has become harsher and many letters are systematically censored and blocked; books, papers, and all sorts of dispatches hardly ever reach their destination. Censorship has also struck an article for Vetriolo that Alfredo sent us in December.
Likewise, an article written by Anna for another publication was seized in January. Furthermore no copy of our paper has been delivered to Alfredo or the other prisoners: copies were seized by the guards or they simply disappeared.
Translated by act for freedom now!
From Alfredo’s letter which we received yesterday 04/05/17, we learn the hunger strike he started on 03/05/17 will continue for ten days, a hunger strike that follows extensive ongoing censorship and the blocking of incoming and outgoing letters, books, news, etc. sent in by many comrades.
In particular he writes that all the letters sent by one of the editors of CNA over the last month were blocked, 7 out of 7.
In his short letter he points out that censorship had already been extended to three months over a month ago, but has become even more insistent since the ending of investigations.
And according to what he tells us, things are even worse in Rebibbia.
He concludes his letter with a shout: ‘BREAK ISOLATION!’
Translated by act for freedom now!
At 6:30am on 3rd May antiriot police and carabinieri squads coordinated by Digos and ROS, stormed Asilo Occupato, the squats on Corso Giulio Cesare and Borgo Dora and two houses in Turin and Barge; the local media also mentioned raids carried out in Bologna and Cuneo, of which we have no confirmation.
The pretext for this repressive operation, which led to six comrades being arrested, is an alleged scuffle that took place outside Asilo last February at the end of a night event; the charges are kidnapping, aggravated damage and resisting public officials. Antonio from Lecce, Antonio Sardo, Camille, Fabiola, Fran and Giada were taken to the prison of Le Vallette, and there’s mention of an unconfirmed seventh arrest.
“When horror knocks at your door, it’s difficult to hide from. All that can be done is to breathe, gather strength, and face it…. I shared news of the woman found in University City. From the first moment, I was angered and protested the criminalization of the victim. The next morning I woke up to the horror and pain that she was my relative.”
– Statement from the family of Lesvy Rivera to Mexican society
“[W]e take responsibility for the homicide of another human in University City on May 3rd….Much has emerged about that damned thing leaning lifeless on a payphone… ‘that she suffered from alcoholism, that she wasn’t a student, this and that.’ But what does it matter? She’s just another mass, just another damned human who deserved death.”
– 29th Statement of Individualists Tending Toward the Wild (ITS)
Some things shouldn’t have to be said, but as is too often the case in this disaster of a world, that which should be most obvious often gets subsumed to the exigencies of politics, ideologies, money, emotion, or internet clicks. The purpose of this piece is to condemn the recent acts of eco-extremists in Mexico and those who cheer them on from abroad.
15th February 2017
Many years ago antifascist slogans went like this: ‘historical fascism is dead, day-to-day fascism is alive’.
The statement was correct for that historical period and it established a strategic direction against the fascistization of society. European societies were becoming havens of capitalism and countries that greeted migrants from defeated Eastern Europe; the first examples of social racism and state institutional racism and the rhetoric of the mass media were making their appearance in society.
In Greece neo-fascists were a bunch of employees of the police mechanism (basically all connected to military organizations, which during the resistance had collaborated with the Italian-German invaders and during the civil war had been identifying leftist people thus adding to the on-going massacre, and in the period after the civil war had political predominance), without political or organizational perspectives or any kind of confirmation in society except for a small right-wing group.
But in that period a first graft without pretensions took place in society with capitalist values. It was the epoch where ‘the winners of the end of history’ were becoming even more brutal and aggressive like all winners.
Both in western societies (for example with the violent dissolution of the welfare system) and on an international level (with the spreading of crusade wars by the axis of justice and democracy). War conditions are continuing today: at low tension within western countries and intense tension in various areas of the world (Iraq, Syria etc.). Now more than ever, within the system of global capitalistic crisis, societies have to form alliances, get used to the normality of constant war, take lessons in barbarism and racism, get used to seeing the army amusing themselves in the streets, recognize the enemies pointed out by the system as their own. Fall asleep with fear and wake up poorer but with national pride.
Two texts from Blasphegme #4, a mural journal that started appearing around Paris on April 4. The first text is an individualist rejection of electoralism and the society that goes with it and the second is a brief round up of attacks against electoral infrastructure in the month before its publication.
I don’t vote. Because I don’t want to choose a master, to choose who will decide in my place what’s right for me, who will force me to respect their choices, who will present those choices as my own. I don’t want the majority to determine the conditions of my servitude, I don’t want to the cattle to build the fences that enclose them and select those who will rule over me as well, regardless of what I think.
I don’t vote because I don’t want the world they force on us. I don’t recognize the idea of the nation, of peoples, or of citizenship, because states always manage to construct identities that give the illusion of a unified population. My nationality, the language I speak, and the colour of my skin in no way determine who I am, and I don’t recognize the borders of the state in which chance saw me born. In the same way, I don’t want to hear about any “common good”, because I don’t want to be part of any community – I don’t want to be bound to anyone and I want to choose those with whom I build my life.
This text was originally sent to Black and Green Review. They never responded.
Disclaimer—in North America, which is my context, land defense struggles are often from indigenous perspectives, and they are struggles based on reclaiming or defending land from the state. I can only speak from a settler perspective, and my critique is specifically of land defense through a futurist lens and the deification of nature as it is practiced by settlers in North America.
The Religion of Green Anarchy:
a critique, a question, and a proposal
Many land defense struggles in North America focus on the purity of the wild when coming from a settler green anarchist perspective. Based on the propaganda and analysis that comes from this perspective and out of these struggles, we seek to defend these spaces from industrial civilization (and through this, colonial expansion) because we are defending the last ‘wild’ areas, from which we can subsist. This belief in ‘wild’ and ‘untouched’ spaces is not only unfounded, but falls into the creation of a morality of the wild, which takes on a religious tone. This religious tone can be broken down into: a) ‘good’ wilderness vs ‘bad’ wilderness, and b) preservation of a utopia or ‘heaven’ for future generations. Oftentimes, settlers in North America lack a coherent culture – there is no North American culture outside of capitalism. This religious tone can be understood as a response to this cultureless void, as we try to create a context for ourselves—an anchoring for our identities.
When we approach land defense struggles from this moralist and future-oriented perspective, we limit the potential of these struggles. The primary drive of engaging in land defense struggles for future generations can prefigure the struggles themselves. This leads to an acceptance of concessions and defeats, as we are able to convince ourselves that a failed land defense is contributing to a culture of resistance, with which the future generations can engage. What would these struggles look like were we to see them as book-ended by our life and death, breaking from the limitations of morality, culture, or the future generations? What trajectory would a land defense take if individual sensory experience were the guiding principal?
May 9, 2017
Today a group of people on bicycles encircled and tailed an immigration arrest van through the streets of central London as it was on its way to carry out a raid.
This was done to alert people to the existence of these vans and their daily incursions into our neighbourhoods. It was also done to disrupt the smooth running of immigration enforcement; a machine that rounds people up, detains them indefinitely, and expels them from the country to face unknown dangers.
These raids are the point at which the whole immigration regime is at its weakest. Remember that in order to carry out raids they must come into our neighbourhoods, drive down our streets, and try to force their way into businesses and homes. It is also critical to intervene in these moments before someone is handcuffed and in the back of a van. Its also easier to stop a raid which would result in another immigration prisoner than it is to support the same person in detention or fight for their release through the courts.
Immigration officers will not carry out a raid when they know that people are following them. Previous cases have shown that even one person filming and confronting them is at times sufficient to make them give up and leave. They remember and fear a repeat of when they have been stopped by people in the communities they’ve invaded and needed rescuing from by the police.
May 9, 2017
Two texts from issue 9 of Paris Sous Tension, published this week, responding to the ongoing French electoral circus.
No bosses, no nations! No Le Pen, no Macron! 
Everyone knows the results of the first round of the presidential elections . For us, this isn’t what matters. That millions of people still bother to go vote shows that we are still living in a society largely made up of obedient citizens and not, alas, of free individuals. But how could this surprise us when we know of the whole range of institutions – starting with school – that continue, year after year, to reproduce such creatures. That a majority of them gave their support to an ex-banker (a veritable messiah of the coming capitalism) and to a disgrace (a populist demagogue who plays on the hatred and resentment that drives so many of our contemporaries) reminds us that we truly have no hope of sharing anything with such people. And sadly, it shows where resignation, everyone-for-themselves, identification with the national community, the abandonment of all hope of revolution, and the erasure of historical memory can lead. Nothing surprising. But let’s leave the pessimism for later.
That night, several hundred people showed their refusal of the elections, their unequivocal and unconditional defiance towards the person who will reach the throne. Several unpermitted demos wove their way throughout north-east Paris, moving through Bastille, République, Stalingrad, Belleville, Ménilmontant… With the practice of, as much as possible, directly attacking everything that, within their way of seeing the world, doesn’t have a good reason to exist,: riot cops, military vehicles, banks, insurance agencies, advertising panels, surveillance cameras, real estate agencies, various businesses… 
May 8, 2017
Received and translated :
For a Dangerous June
A text that sums up the ideas expressed during the meetings ‘With our heads held high’
State repression is the most important part of the system of dominion and one of its most disgraceful expressions; it doesn’t surprise us that those who are struck most are historically those who don’t let themselves be recuperated by the system of power, i.e. anarchist, revolutionary and rebel individualities.
The latter respond to the physical, psychological, moral, social and economic repression unleashed by all the components of democratic power and to the brutal indiscriminate violence of its armed hands and the judiciary. This they do with direct action aimed at those responsible for repression, with the creative and liberating destruction of the places of dominion and the sabotage of its infrastructures, so as to put an end, or at least hamper, the causes of exploitation and oppression by human beings on other human beings, the earth and animals.
In the view of total liberation, to passively watch the reproduction of dominion means to be accomplices, so there are those who continue to hold their heads high and rebel.
As a consequence power puts all its strategies into action, and the trials and proceedings against comrades for actions, episodes of conflictuality and writings still continue. Next month there will be the cassation trial concerning so-called operation Shadow, where a number of comrades are accused, among other things, of instigation to commit a crime following the publication of the paper KNO3. 
These judicial proceedings are an expression of the war that the authorities are waging on the bond between thought and action, which is the foundation of anarchism’s dangerousness. Beyond individual and specific struggles, this police operation aims at striking the cardinal concepts of antiauthoritarian ideas and methods such as direct action, refusal of delegating and solidarity.
May 7, 2017
OmniaTV coverage of the 11th appeals trial hearing in Athens, Greece of imprisoned anarchist-communist comrade Tasos Theofilou. Translated into English for Insurrection News by BlackCat.
The hearing began with CCTV footage from the bank, which had been shown again during a previous hearing, although the caption strip was removed this time. Despite the removal of the caption strip, no new information in general or incriminating evidence against Theofilou was revealed. The prosecutor’s effort to degrade Mr. Karathanasis, the expert witness who specializes in digital evidence, turned out to be a failure. The witness stressed that the validity of his initial conclusion remains unchanged. During the trial of first instance the Judge claimed he could see the robber with the cowboy hat shooting the victim, but after having the captions removed, his claims remain unsubstantiated.
Papadakis: Nothing new is added to the case regarding the shooter or the robber who had an altercation with Michas. Three questions remain unanswered: A. Is this man Theofilou? Nothing was said by the prosecutor or the civil action counsel on this issue. B. Is this the same hat brought to court by the anti-terrorism police? Again, nothing was said about this by the prosecutor or the civil action counsel. C. As we can see in the video, there is no hat on the ground. The prosecutor and the civil action have failed to get us anywhere near to resolving this issue. Everything that was said is on account of a previous court ruling since Theofilou cannot be identified as one of the robbers, he is not guilty of robbery. So, we basically see a video and start imagining things. But a trial cannot be based on imagination. (…)
Paparrousou: Is there technical evidence which points towards the defendant or is this an issue of subjective interpretation?
Karathanasis: No, there are isn’t any (…)
Paparrousou: No facts could arise from this indistinct and blurry video recording. What’s worse? Each one of us could derive certain conclusions based on our mental state toward the defendant. It is clearly a matter of subjective interpretation and perception.
Next were the testimonies of the final witnesses. First on the stand was M.K., a social worker employed at the NGO Arsis. According to the witness, Theofilou volunteered as a language teacher for immigrants and refugees. She described him as punctual, calm and cooperative. Despite police claims that Theofilou ”disappeared” following Sakkas’ arrest, the witness said that he was still teaching in December 2010. When in January 2011 he decided to stop volunteering because of relocating, he managed to find a replacement, a fact that shows his sense of responsibility since he would not leave his students fall behind, despite him being only a volunteer at Arsis.
May 7, 2017
Today anarchist prisoner Alfredo Cospito begins a ten-days hunger strike against the censorship imposed to him by prosecutor Sparagna [in charge of op. “Scripta Manent”], which blocks almost the whole incoming and outgoing correspondence.
Alfredo asks all comrades outside to send books, magazines, letters and printed materials in general, in protest and in support of his strike.
May 5, 2017
On Friday 22nd March a comrade who was working in a fast food outlet in Kavala was attacked at around midday by Triantafilios Alexandridis and Andreas Rigouli (the very people who pointed a gun at a comrade last year), two well-known figures of the para-state nazi gang known as Phoenix. The attack happened in front of the fast food customers as the comrade was working during the busiest hour. Later the comrade was taken to hospital by his colleagues.
The fascists struck him with objects that caused fractures on the left hand side of the skull, the nose and around his eyes. They adopted their habitual strategy: one of them started talking to him and the other one struck him from the other side. The customers’ intervention limited the damage, but the fascists managed to leave the shop undisturbed. During the assault they also stole the comrade’s telephone.
Continue Reading →
May 5, 2017
On Saturday 29th April, in Aachen, a wild demo interrupted the streets of the city center, disturbing the consumerist apathetic routine, spreading flyers, shouting slogans and throwing fireworks. This action happened in solidarity with the comrades facing trial in the courts of this city, a disgusting and humiliating spectacle that now sees two comrades in the last months of their trial for a bank robbery that occurred in 2014 in the same city.A breath of fresh air, to give space to our anger about the State’s kidnapping of our comrades, a liberating and joyful look at this city other than from the claustrophobic benches of a sterile courtroom.
May 5, 2017
May 2, 2017
The struggles of the Palestinian political prisoners are directly and inextricably
connected with the overall struggle of the Palestinian people. 70 percent of the
Palestinian families have at least one member that has been imprisoned for
action against the state of Israel. 20 percent of the total population has been
imprisoned at least once in their life while according to other estimations 40
percent of the male population has been imprisoned at some point in their life
within the past 30 years.
Another revealing manifestation of the situation the Palestinian strugglers find
themselves in while inside the Israeli prisons is the fact that until 1999 “mild
torture” during interrogation was considered legitimate practice by law. These
tortures included- among others – deprivation of sleep, immobilization in an
uncomfortable body posture, loud music, exposure to extremely cold or hot
temperatures, placement of malodorous cloths over the face etc. In 1999 the
supreme court of Israel upheld that in certain cases these practices were illegal
and thus imposed some restrictions. These restrictions did not, however, rule
out force-feeding as illegal in accordance with the UN provisions.
On the 1st of May 2000 almost 1000 out of the 1650 Palestinian political
prisoners participated in a large-scale hunger strike that lasted one month,
demanding better living conditions, better treatment by the guards, family visits,
abolition of the solitary confinement, access to healthcare and release of political
prisoners. During the solidarity demonstrations seven Palestinians lost their
lives while one thousand got injured. Meanwhile, sixty Israelis got injured, too.
On the 31st of the same month the government of Israel satisfied some of the
May 2, 2017