In the ongoing reality, the global economic crisis, having eroded the political and economic stability of states, reshapes the political map, where new correletions are created, in an effort to find the policies to address and manage the crisis and to restore stability. In Greece, the change of the political correlations were reflected with the election of SY.RIZ.A. in the government office. This political fluidity and mobility fits into the general European level, where countries most affected by the crisis, such as the European south, are in the process of changing governments. In response to the general frustration of the masses, as they have lost their privileges because of the harsh neo-liberal policies, social-democrats promise to restore these privileges through an interventionist policy in support of the people. This obviously is not possible within the European context, especially when the financial liquidity of the economy of a state depends on funding programs whose terms and conditions are determined by third capitalist institutions. In this case, there are no more than two options: The continuation of the previous policy, with some ostensible relief measures in order for the government to maintain its profile as long as it can or a potential bankruptcy.
SY.RIZ.A. is trying to restore the disturbed balance between the political system and the social majority, alleviating social discontent with the tactic of the carrot. At the same time, it chooses to cooperate and govern together with the far right-wing party of Independent Greeks, a move that aims both to assimilate and absorb shocks from the conservative-right social mass and to ensure national unity in a material and an imaginary level. Indicative of SY.RIZ.A’s sudden growth and bubble-like nature, is its origin and path. It used to be among the reformist movements, being a left euro-communist minority and as it grew stronger it rellocated by appending trends of political ecology and centrist social democracy, while including executives and voters of the respective parties at the same time. The government of the Left projects itself as the medicine for social, political and economic ailments, while having a youthful, modernizing and ecological profile. It projects the imaginary of the shielding of Democracy, the respect of legality and the strengthening of the institutions and the parliament. With its management model, the new government promises to follow a policy that includes the reconstitution of the social state and the safeguard of national sovereignty and social interest. It supports sustainable, innovative capitalism with state intervention and green development and entrepreneurship, as exemplified by the continued exploitation of natural resources with alternative terms. Chameleonism and doubletalk are strong characteristics of social democracy.
It’s worth noting the cultural and rational restructuring of political power and the obvious interweaving with the techno-scientific complex. This becomes obvious by the fact that scientists-academics occupy governmental posts, in order to serve specific political strategies and targets of the leftist government in the areas of economy, security, development, education and justice. A famous example is the placement of the Law Professor Nikos Paraskevopoulos in the position of the deputy minister of Justice, who espouses the humanization of prison, through the reorganization of the prison system and the replacement of type C prisons with high security wards. Equally indicative of the conjunction between science and politics is the placement of criminology professor Giannis Panousis in the position of deputy minister of Citizen Protection, who has set repression and dissolution of anarchist subversive groups and urban guerilla formations high on his agenda, in the name of the radical fight against terrorism. In addition, announcements of his, connected to academic researches, put again on the table the prospect of redefining the relationship between the police and citizens via the participatory policy against crime (policeman of the neighborhood, crime prevention councils, importation of immigrants in the security forces etc). This governance model is supplemented by placing the appropriate political persons in the corresponding places with the aim of satisfying the different social dynamics that were expressed by the popular verdict (of the past elections), like the placement of far-right Panos Kammenos in the position of minister of National Defence and the ecologist Giannis Tsironis in the place of deputy minister of Environment.
The new government of the Left, in a short period, managed to gain the support of a big portion of the masses and activate the petty bourgeois reflexes of its part, that goes out to the streets supporting the state, with the hope of getting a share of crumbs. It’s this pathetic indignant mob that a few years ago was filling the squares, complaining about its empty pockets. Then when many anarchists saw in its face the revolutionary subject and now see it hailing its new saviors. It’s not surprising that some anarchists took part in these supportive to the government gatherings, if we take into account that many of them voted for the new government. SYRIZA has managed to assimilate a big part of the movements and retains communication channels with them. This tactic bears a double meaning, as on one hand, it has the support of even more political milieus and on the other hand, and more importantly, it can rely on the fact that these assimilated parts of the radical circles can operate soothingly against the burst of insurrectionary practices. Besides, the most effective way of repressing violent actions is their prolepsis [anticipation of possible objections in order to answer them in advance] and prevention.
In contrast with all the above, are those anarchists who fight with courage and dignity against Dominion, no matter the political personnel in the state apparatus and the different ways of administration. We place no hope in the rebirth of the Motherland and the clearance of Democracy; we have taken battle positions against them. We are not interested in the restoration of humanism and the social state, but in their dissolution. We don’t care about whether capitalism has a viable development and a green profile or whether the state mechanism is under scientific administration, we fight for the disintegration of economy and the demolition of the monstrosity of civilization. We don’t seek the improvement of detainment conditions but the demolition of every kind of prison. However, we adjust our tactics of struggle according to the circumstances and take advantage of the new prospects offered. We do not seek a better state, a better economy, a better civilization or a better society, but we are instead heading towards their total destruction.