After the deposition of the legislation of the Ministry of Justice,
there appears to be a first conquest of the political prisoners’ hunger
The abolition of the legal frame that defines the operation of the
C’type prisons and the beneficial provisions for patients and disabled
prisoners, that lead to the release of multi-injured guerilla of the
revolutionary organization 17 November Savvas Xiros, would fail (or at
least not so soon) without the struggle that is being carried out. But
there is much more to happen.
We do not care for any governmental statement or any promise coming from
state employees. Every authoritarian mechanism that deals with a hunger
strike by its stated enemies will go onto a deterioration war that will
include promises, negated deadlines, vague statements and anything that
could wear us down physically or and psychologically. Especially Syriza,
who all during its political life as a major or minor opposition
demeaned and de-politicized the hunger strikes carried out by anarchist
hostages, has great experience in the systemic managing of such
Now, as a government disclaims its responsibilities transferring the
granting of our demands to a (vague) future.
From our side we continue the hunger strike without a thought of
retreating until the granting of our demands and specifically:
The abolition of articles 187 and 187A, in other words the first and
second terror-law. These articles consist the core of the regime of
exclusion we experience at a penal level as political enemies of the
state. This exclusion regime is not limited to political prisoners but
extends to 30% of the prisoners and includes: special court rooms,
special lotteries for judges and prosecutors, special transfers,
fragmentation of the cases, penalization of belief and solidarity, and
mainly the excessive increment of the sentences. We consider the
subversion of concepts which introduce these articles as a basic stake
of our struggle.
The abolition of the imposing provision of an act carried out with a
covered face, in other words the hoodie-law. A law voted in after the
insurrection of December ’08 and has been repeatedly applied on
demonstrators arrested during the clashes, upgrading the indictment to a
felony case. Also various acts (robberies, kidnappings etc) are penally
loaded independently of the individual characteristics (weapons, use of
violence etc) with the existence of the hoodie-law.
The limitation of the legal frame concerning the way DNA is collected,
processed and analysed. The displacement of how crucial this demand is
from the public sphere is not accidental. The forensic use of DNA is
right now the epitome of this oppressive onslaught in the field of
proving evidence. The expansion of its use is organically connected with
the expansion of use of articles 187 and 187A.
The insistence of police in creating bases of bio-records lead to the
obligatory taking of DNA which unavoidably lead to the torturing of
prisoners if they resist, as their conscience and dignity orders.
Persecution through analyzing and processing DNA takes place in a
completely irrational way since the method that is used to identify it,
was invented to work as presumption of innocence and not as proof of
guilt. And this, because contrarily to the misunderstandings, it is not
the genetic code which unique to every person, that is compared but the
genetic type (i.e. the measuring of the length of some parts of the DNA)
which could correspond to more people. Therefore if the genetic type is
not identified, it can be said with some certainty that the DNA sample
is not from one specific person, but if the genetic type is identified
it can only be presumed from who the sample came from. And the already
stretched persecution through identifying genetic types, is extended to
the analyzing of a DNA blend of more than two people where the blended
genetic types cannot be separated,thus giving more possible combinations of genetic types.
This way, in DNA blend, there can be a large amount of genetic types, basically making anyone a possible suspect.
Calculating also the factors of contamination by the cops who collect
it, the opaque operation of police laboratories, the knowledge of the
name of the suspect to the bio-cops in advance, the lack of protocol
etc, is obvious because the DNA analysing consists the super-weapon of
modern scientific oppression. With this approach the accused is
incriminated in every way. Additionally they are deprived of the access
to the sample by professionals they trust. In the end, the detailed
evidence vagueness of police laboratories is validated from the penal
vagueness of the terror laws.
The hunger strike we are carrying out does not seek the ease of the
legal frame. What it seeks is to place the revolutionary movement in a
position of attack overturning the attack carried out by authority. With
the hunger as our weapon we seek the forging of our relations with the
comrades outside the walls, the strengthening of our public resonance,
the intensification of the attacks against state and capitalist targets
with all means.
Now is the time to strengthen our position even more in the war we are