Statement by comrade Antonis Staboulos that was read out at the beginning
of the 2nd trial of the Revolutionary Struggle.
As an anarchist hostage, based on my ethical values and the just I
represent, I am obliged to not legitimize this trial and the system it
serves. I deny the charges attributed to me, not only because they are a
product of a penal system which I do not accept, but also because they
have nothing to do with reality, something obvious even if we only
compare the desperate attempt of the mechanisms to charge me on one
hand, and the complete lack of any proof in order to establish these
charges on the other.
On October 1st 2014, when they arrested me, the then political
leadership did everything they could to present this incident as a grand
job. They pulled all the strings they could to prove what the indictment
includes and that much more was said through the journalists.
Fortunately I was in the hands of the torturers in GADA (Athens police
headquarters) and I did not have a tv to suffer the sewage of the mass
media. The entire terrorist service strived to prove the great success
the faltering government wanted in order to sell this job to the meager
minority of the population that voted for it, so they can win a bit more
governmental time. The attempts were in vain, as proven with the future
of the government as well the foundations of the indictment.
After my arrest the police did not leave a stone unturned in any space
me or my relatives had passed through, they even searched a neighbour’s
house. They removed dozens of objects, books, computers, mobile phones,
keys, they looked for DNA, prints, lifted the telephone records etc etc.
what was the proof that came out of all searching and interrogations? A
key I had on me when I was arrested and an empty house, irrelevant to
the case. And with this the prosecutor proposes my conviction for acts
which are not connected except for in the rich imagination and the
reason the DAEEB (Directorate of Special Crimes of Violence – the
official name of the antiterrorist force) exists. The conceptual leaps
they reached in order for me to be here for a year now detained with
charges of integration into an organization, attack, use of explosives,
theft etc, highlight the rage of the oppression mechanisms, their need
to close cases having successes that translate into medals, and the ease
law 187A gives to create guilty people.
Independently of my position concerning the indictment, and because this
trial is a political trial, I would like to say that no civil court can
judge revolutionary acts. The only thing it can do is impose sentences
always based on the specific class interests it serves. These kinds of
trials are moments of social war where the laws of the powerful attempt
to impose on the just of those bellow.
Just like your laws assert the monopoly of violence in the streets, thus
in these rooms as well, your laws claim their uniqueness as an
undisputed truth. As representatives of the judicial system you apply a
methodical continuous and by profession violence on individuals and
social groups that voluntarily or involuntarily function as an obstacle
or competitively towards the legal validity – in the absolute terrorist
violence of the criminal organization called the state, with the
unlimited arsenals, the bombs intended for mass murdering, the
professional medaled murderers and the police-judicial complex that aims
at the preservation of daily capitalist life and the reproduction of the
terms of its perpetuation, i.e. crime.
The reciprocation of your role imposes above all the production of
guilty people. The principle “innocent until proven guilty” is now
reversed: the accused is considered guilty from the start, and is called
to prove their innocence.
More and more people are locked up in prisons, as proof of the
effectiveness of the operation of the penal system, with the greatest
criminals free to define, control and use the murderous capitalist
system as law or above the law. This is the frame in which you perform
your job, serving the smoothness of a monstrosity.
The special character of this court, just like the special laws with
which it tries, on one hand claim the necessity of control by above,
because it turns against forms of illegality threatening towards the
regime (not necessarily revolutionary but powerful when it comes to
disputing the state monopoly of violence). On the other, the
marginalization of anarchist speech is attempted, this is why these
trials take place in closed spaces, without a jury, in order to conceal
the fact that these persecutions are clearly political.
Closing I would like to say that in my case the indictment is based on a
double arbitrariness. The first is the assumption that I am a member of
the R.S., something that does not arise from anywhere, and the second is
the charge on the acts attributed to the organization, again with no
proof of course. The second part is now the epitome of arbitrariness not
only when I comes to me but also if it concerned a member of the
The court has absolutely no jurisdiction to judge me as a political
entity. Simultaneously, as a person I am struggling to be here in this
room since even the aesthetic of bureaucracy causes me disgust, let
alone the whole procedure. Therefore, my desire is to intervene as
little as possible. When the time comes for my testimony I will make a
full statement about everything.